Folio 43v* – identification update.

(detail) two plants drawn on f.43v*
Otto Wilhelm Thomé: Flora von Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz (1885) – Permission granted to use under GFDL by Kurt Stueber. Source: Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this image under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License, Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the section entitled “GNU Free Documentation License”. courtesy

In 2015 I offered identifications for the plants represented on folio 43v* as (left) Bupleurum falcatum and (right) Bupleurum rotundiflolia, though only as a proposal from first-level sources, not as a research conclusion.

A modern botanical drawing of B. rotundifolia with B. falcatum is shown at right.

Later, I contrasted the style of drawing with two details from Latin herbals referenced by Marco Ponzi as comparisons for left-half of the drawing in folio 43v* (the plant-and-snake), noting how much more detail we find in the Voynich drawing for its ‘snake’, details so clearly informed by immediate knowledge that we are shown the Cerastes’ horns, long nose and – as I’ll add here – even the way the eye-ridge makes the eye seem semi-circular when seen from above, and how the horns appear like spines as extension of that ‘nose’, together the fact that its markings are generally invisible to a person happening on it, because the Cerastes lie buried in a depression in the earth and, indeed, with no more than eye, ‘nose’ and horns visible.

Marco Ponzi’s articles are (or were) published through the Medium site, under the title ‘Viridis Green’.

Added note (March 26th., 2022) I have reason to think the detail shown above (upper left) was wrongly labelled by the source I used. It may not be a ‘hornless cerastes’ but a different snake altogether. The Cerastes’ nose appears more noticeable when little else is visible above the sand. see the’Alamy’ image included among the comments under this post.

Although it seemed evident to me that this ‘reminder’ detail in folio 43v*, being placed close by the plant’s base, displays too much care and accuracy to have no purpose save ‘name-of-thing-equals-name-of-plant/value’ and realising, further, that the creature’s native range, combined with that of the associated plant’s, should add a little more light on the important questions outstanding about the plant-pictures’ antecedents, there were other questions having higher priority in 2015, and without more detailed investigation I felt nothing useful could be said about co-incident range.

A fairly recent comment turned me to the folio again.

This post isn’t more than a note of ‘work-in-progress’ yet one thing is quite clear – that unless my identification for the snake’s genus as Cerastes is wrong, the drawing’s origin cannot possibly be credited to western Christian Europe.

There, any ‘horned serpent’ figure would be drawn in very different style and present an imaginary figure from some system of religious or semi-religious thought. Instead, we have a nearly literal drawing for this creature, one which does not occur within Europe at all, not even in southern Spain or Sicily.

The detail is a fortunate exception to the rule in this manuscript where the majority of included drawings still show evidence of some earlier influence and its determined effort to avoid forming a naturalistic ‘portrait’ of any living creature. That attitude is not of Latin origin and was antithetical to the Latins’ worldview. In fact, that distinction is one of the keys which allows us to know, for example, that the month-folios’ diagrams come from origins different from emblems now seen in their centres.

It is that marked difference in information, attitude and stylistics, not any lack of objective skill, which led earlier generations of Voynich researchers, fixed on a Eurocentic theory, to assert the ‘artist’ had been childish, incompetent and so forth. To the best of my knowledge no qualified specialist in what today we call iconographic analysis, commented on Beinecke MS 408 between 1932 and the first decades of the present century. The person who seems to have first sensed the ‘foreignness’ in Voynich drawings spoke even before Panofsky and wrote, a little vaguely of what he had observed quite accurately, saying:

It is strange that the draughtsman should have so completely escaped all medieval or Renaissance influences.

Robert Steele, Nature 122, 563-565 (13 October 1928) from the Abstract available online

As early as 1909, in editing the works of Roger Bacon, Steele had referred to a thirteenth-century work on medicine, translated by Wallis Budge. Steele speaks of it as ‘Syrian’ though it was a text of Nestorian origin written in Syriac.

The point was mentioned in an earlier post (here).

The other plant on folio 43v*, for which I proposed the identification Bupleurum rotundifolia is of less interest at present, and I’ll concentrate on the plant-and-snake.

I still consider the the details included as its salient features agree with the form for B. falcatum, yet that plant- identification presents problems if we are to associate that plant with the genus Cerastes. for each has a native range not native to the other.

I would suggest that the dilemma may be more apparent than real; that some other Bupleurum species is meant or that distinctions between plants made by taxonomists were not ones recognised by earlier and other peoples and therefore by their perceptions and vocabulary.

So though a modern botanist distinguishes (say) B.falcatum from B.lancifolia, the same word may have been applied to both by the language in which the maker formed his thoughts.

To see whether that possibility is contradicted or supported by those languages which were spoken, before 1440, across the geographic range in which Cerastes occur, and to find enough documentary evidence to maintain such an idea, would take far more work than I’m prepared to devote to that question. One piece of circumstantial evidence may support it.

In a modern website entitled “Egyptian-Arabian Endemic Plants”, a long list of plants, subdivided by genus and species and with scientific descriptions given, includes B. falcatum and specifies its range as:

“… east of the Nile Valley in Egypt, the Sinai Peninsula, the extratropical part of the Arabian Peninsula, most of southern Palestine, part of Jordan, the southern part of the Syrian Desert and lower Mesopotamia where the boundary continues just north of Balad, Kuwait and the Bahrain Islands.”

‘Endemic’ in botanical terms means that a plant occurs naturally no-where else.

That site is clearly intended as a scientific survey; yet if we turn to another scientific source, Kew gardens’ information, states the range for B. falcatum as:

“Europe to Caucasus”.

For that southern range, it has several species of Bupleurum including B.lancifolia, whose range is said there to be:

“Algeria, Azores, Cyprus, Egypt, Greece, Iran, Iraq, Kriti, Kuwait, Lebanon-Syria, Libya, Madeira, Morocco, Palestine, Sinai, Spain, Transcaucasus, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Western Sahara” and now extinct in the Canary Islands.

This does co-incide with the native range for Cerastes’ species, of which there are only three. For readers’ convivence, I reproduce here a table included in a wiki article whose anonymous author cites as sole source for its information:

  • McDiarmid RW, Campbell JA, Touré T., (1999) Snake Species of the World: A Taxonomic and Geographic Reference, Volume 1. Washington, District of Columbia: Herpetologists’ League.

Cerastes, as you see, do not occur anywhere in mainland Europe, not even in southern Spain. One would have to travel into ‘oriental parts’ in order to find anyone who could represent these vipers with anything close to the accuracy we find on folio 43v*

I prefer to leave it to the botanists to decide which (if any) of the genus Bupleurum is the subject of the left-hand detail on folio 43v*. Of more interest to us is what this association between plant and viper tell us about the region implied, and in the context of those critical issues of maintenance before the plant-pictures’ transmission to the medieval west or, at least, to the medieval Mediterranean world’s common culture.

Here we are fortunate that the two principal species of Cerastes – the less venomous C. cerastes and the highly venomous C. gasperettii are not found together at all, the limits for each being given in the table above and that for C. gasperettii by following map (again thanks to a wiki author).

The map is a little generalised for we are told that C. cerastes and C. gasperettii do not share a common habitat though both are said to occur within Yemen. C. cerastes is called, in Egypt, el-ṭorîsha (حية الطريشة); and in Libya um-Goron (ام قرون). One would hope that these or some other regional names for Cerastes are to be found in the written text on folio 43v*

Though I do not think the snake is drawn in sufficient detail on folio 43v* for us to decide on any Cerastes species in particular, it is another item in evidence – and there is a great deal of such evidence – that the content in Beineke MS 408’s plant-pictures is no product of any western Christian literary tradition. It is as well to remember that if any argument is to be made that tese images belong within the western ‘herbal’ manuscript tradition, the very limited range of texts on which that tradition relied must be shown to have a place within its lineage for the ‘Voynich plant book(s)’ – something which researches have utterly failed to do despite constant efforts and unwavering determination, for one hundred and ten years.

Newcomers may not be aware that the same point was made more obliquely and tactfully but quite clearly by John Tiltman, a man of unusually clear and balanced mind, fully seventy fifty years ago.

However, those interested only in plants for which a place was found in pharmacy might like to investigate some possibility that there might exist in some non-European corpus a receipt in which both viper and a Bupleurum (perhaps) both occur.

To attempt to fit the image into an ‘all-Latin-Christian’ theory, by asserting the image a product of imagination or metaphor, might be an attractive possibility for those so attached to an ‘all European Christian’ narrative for the manuscript that any means available must be taken to prevent its being discarded. For myself, I do not think one can ignore the style of drawing, the manifest clarity and accuracy of its detail, and such things as ignoring the natural markings on the creature to convey the vital information that it is the hidden ‘serpent on the path’ whose body is not seen, save its head, ‘nose’, an eye and the horns. Force-fitting the manuscript to a predetermined theory is not the best way to assist people whose time and efforts are being devoted to the written text. One cannot help but be wrong in some things, but why spoil their day with another dead-end ornament for a quasi-historical narrative whose first premises derive, still, from assertions made by Wilfrid Voynich as part of his romantic-fictional sales pitch delivered to a gathering of physicians in Philadelphia in 1921?

Medicinal snake & plant? Plague remedies?

This is a possibility though not one I’m inclined to rate highly. Still, it deserves mention for those who find the idea attractive.

Many in Europe believed the Black Death had come from Egypt, and was the same as one of those the plagues which the Bible says were inflicted on Egypt for the Pharaohs’ mistreatment of the Jews. Plague still regularly swept Europe during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and it may have been for that reason that Baresch hoped the Voynich manuscript’s content would be not only ‘ancient’, ‘Egyptian’ and ‘gained from the orient’ and depicting exoti plants but also about medicine.

We do know that from about the time of Galen ‘viper’ was sometimes included in ‘cure-alls’ known as Theriac or Mithridatum, though it had not been part of the earliest, or true ‘Mithridatum’.

Added note (26th. March 2022): The European (hornless) viper, Vipera_berus, is described as “extremely widespread and can be found throughout most of Western Europe and as far as East Asia”

Our source for the addition of viper-flesh in ‘Theriac’ recipes is Galen, who attributes it to Andromachus (the Elder), a Cretan who had become Nero’s physician.

Andromachus’ recipe is said to have been couched in 174 lines of Greek verse. In the later fifteenth century, the Italian Saladino d’Ascoli, who graduated in medicine from Padua in 1431, composed a treatise entitled “Compendium Aromatariorum” in which says (folio 324r of the 1495 edition), respecting the ‘Galieni’ theriac: “Dico quod non est verum salua pace Nicolai quia Andromachus singularis medicus eam composuit.” d’Ascoli’s Compendium remained in print continually from 1488 – 1623. A good online biography for him is (here), and includes ia list of extant manuscripts and editions.

Added note (March 26th., 2022) – a loose translation would be ‘with all due respect to Nicholai [author of the earlier Antidotarium parvum], to call this ‘Galieni’ is a misnomer; the medicine was composed by the singular physician, Andromachus.

‘Mithridatum’ is named for Mithridates VI Eupator of Pontus, who inherited his kingdom of Pontus on the Black Sea in 120 BC. For more historical detail see e.g.

  • Adrienne Mayor, ‘Mithridates of Pontus and His Universal Antidote’, Chapter 4 in her History of Toxicology and Environmental Health (2014). The chapter can be downloaded through ResearchGate.

Other sources to begin with:

  • Watson, G. Theriac and Mithridatium. Wellcome Historical Medical Library. William Clowes and Sons, Ltd. London (1966).
  • A few basic sources,courtesy of Science Direct. Looking over the list, I’d be inclined to leave aside “Placebo Studies (Double-blind Studies)” but I haven’t read it.

Medical uses of e.g. B. falcatum or B. rotundifolia, see also

  • WHO monographs (2004) – “not pharmacopoeial monographs, rather they are comprehensive scientific references for drug regulatory authorities, physicians, traditional health practitioners, pharmacists, manufacturers, research scientists and the general public”.

Oddly enough a lot of modern advertisements for traditional Asian (by which I mean east Asian and south-east Asian) medicine claim to employ root of B.falcatum, which isn’t native to that part of the world. Older sources refer instead to roots of B. rotundifolium.

That’s all so far. I’d be glad if anyone could direct me to multilingual glossaries for animal and for plant-names. Modern or pre-modern.

Added note – March 26th., 2022.

and see comments below this post.

7 thoughts on “Folio 43v* – identification update.

  1. In speaking of ‘Mithridates’ and theriac recipes in posts to voynichimagery, I included in one post a recipe from before the addition of ‘snake meat’.
    The following is a paragraph from my post, ‘Theriac Recipes (voynichimagery Feb.24th., 2015):

    But the most famous antidote is that of Mithridates, which that king is said to have taken daily and by it to have rendered his body safe against danger from poison. It contains costmary 1·66 grams, sweet flag 20 grams, hypericum, gum, sagapenum, acacia juice, Illyrian iris, cardamon, 8 grams each, anise 12 grams, Gallic nard, gentian root and dried rose-leaves, 16 grams each, poppy-tears and parsley, 17 grams each, casia, saxifrage, darnel, long pepper, 20·66 grams each, storax 21 grams, castoreum, frankincense, hypocistis juice, myrrh and opopanax, 24 grams each, malabathrum leaves 24 grams, flower of round rush, turpentine-resin, galbanum, Cretan carrot seeds, 24·66 grams each, nard and opobalsam, 25 grams each, shepherd’s purse 25 grams, rhubarb root 28 grams, saffron, ginger, cinnamon, 29 grams each. These are pounded and taken up in honey. Against poisoning, a piece the size of an almond is given in wine. In other affections an amount corresponding in size to an Egyptian bean is sufficient.

    I had that recipe from Celsus (On Medicine Bk 5: 23.3), the translation via University of Chicago’s site: ‘Lacus Curtius’.

    In the same post I reproduced the ‘theriac’ recipe found in that Syrian Book of Medicines translated by Wallis Budge, commenting on its extreme simplicity. It has few ingredients andincludes neither snake meat nor poppy ‘tears’.

    The tradition of respect for Jewish physicians seen in earlier centuries brought up Celsus’ and Mithridates’ names again in another post,…’“thesauros Artis medicae Aegyptiacos” Pt2′ (voynichimagery. 9th.July 2013)

    Aulus Cornelius Celsus, writing in the first century C.E., refers to salves compounded by skilled Jewish physicians. Galen reports on the Jewish physician Rufus Samaritanus in Rome in the first-second centuries C.E.  Similar references are made by Marcellus Empiricus, Aetius of Amida*, and Paulus of Aegina*. Pliny (Hist. Nat., 37.60.10) mentions a “Babylonian physician – Zechariah,” … who dedicated his medical book to King Mithridates. ..

    and when treating Alfonso X’s astronomical and astrological works, I had reason to mention a different Mithridates, one linked to Alfronzo’s book of astromagia.

    from: ‘Alfonzo’s book of Magia, voynichimagery, (July 13th., 2015)

    Another lists found in the Book of astromagia attributed to Pliny and is one of the texts that were added in the scriptorium alfonsí to the original Arabic version of Picatrix . While we find no parallel in the Islamic world there is a Latin manuscript of the fifteenth century has provided us with valuable data on the Arab author of the text, hidden in the manuscript under the attribution alfonsí Pliny. The original Arabic of this work had not been identified until recently. Between 1474 and 1482 he was made ​​a Latin version of the text for the Duke of Urbino, Federico da Montefeltro, preserved by the Arabic text in a manuscript collection of the Duke (Vat. Urb. Lat. 1384) 132 .As we read in the prologue, this is the treatise written by Ali ibn al-Hasan ibn al-Hatim on talismans of twenty mansions of the Moon, translated into Latin by William Raymond Moncada (Flavius ​​Mithridates). This bilingual version is illustrated with some figures whose iconography is parallel to that found in the corresponding fragment of the Book of astromagia . As noted Lippincott and Pingree, the divergences between them correspond to differences in the text.

    Hope this may be of help.

    NOTE – many posts from Voynichimagery now have dates later than their first publication, as a result of retrieving and re-installing information after events of 2013. I’m content to have the later date cited unless it allows doubt to be cast on the work’s originality.


  2. Readers who follow comments – these are just notes to self, but if you find them useful – enjoy.

    Clarifying distribution – notes – online sources only:

    the geographic ranges of these two species [C. cerastes and C. gasperetti] do not overlap” Source-

    C.cerastes – distribution clarified. Behaviours by day and by night.
    https //

    C. gasperettii said to occur in “United Arab Emirates, Yemen, Oman, Israel, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, SW Iran?” but a Comment on that page has ‘not in Iraq’.

    re C. gasperettii, Jordan University includes mention of plants in two locations:

    “The Arabian Horned Viper is a true psamophile species. It was seen and collected from sand dunes in Wadi Ramm and Al Hazim. Also, they inhabit sandy soil where vegetation or rocky outcrops provide shelters. In Al Hazīm, the area is dominated by Haloxylon persicum and Nitraria retusa (aka Salt Tree). It is adapted to these habitats through its morphology, physiology and behavior. During the daytime it hides in rodent borrows[sic.], and specimens have been seen buried in the sand with eyes protruding from the ground surface. It starts its activity after sunset and is active at night, moving across the sand searching for food, especially rodents. Side-winding trails are very characteristic for this viper. It was collected near roads in Wadi Ramm (Amr and Disi, 2011).

    Al Hazim is on the inland road between Damascus and Al-Suwaida.
    of Wadi Ramm, a wiki article has
    Wadi Rum, known also as the Valley of the Moon, is a valley cut into the sandstone and granite rock in southern Jordan 60 km to the east of Aqaba; it is the largest wadi in Jordan/

    Comment (D) – ‘moon’ here may well be euphemism or ellipsis for the potentially lethal C. gasperetti, which lies mostly hidden by day and moves about at night. The ‘horned’ moon is a ubiquitous simile. cf the Cerastes’ depiction in folio 43v* as if one of its eyes were covered or damaged; apotropaic would certainly appropriate, but simultaneously serving practical purpose e.g. to recall diurnal vs nocturnal behaviour. Elegance and condensation superb in Vms’ mnemonic devices.

    Nitraria retusa as ‘Salt tree’ – also a popular food plant in that area acc. to Jordan Uni.
    detailed info with photos etc.

    Tribe of Dan
    Dan will be a snake by the roadside, a viper along the path, that bites the horse’s heels so that its rider tumbles backward. (Gen. 49:17, N.I.V).
    he land originally allocated to Dan was a small enclave in the central coastal area of Canaan, between Judah, Benjamin, Ephraim and the Philistines. ..The tribe was only able to camp in the hill country overlooking the Sorek Valley, the camp location becoming known as Mahaneh Dan (“Camp of Dan”). (Joshua 19) The region they were trying to settle extended south into the Shephelah in the area of Timnah… Some Ethiopian Jews, also known as Beta Israel, claim descent from the Tribe of Dan, whose members migrated south .. into the Kingdom of Kush, now Ethiopia and Sudan, during the destruction of the First Temple. – wiki article.


  3. In Egypt, C. cerastes was depicted in pre-dynastic times (c.3000 BC),and was represented by the phonetic hieroglyph ‘f’ or ‘fy’ in inscriptions and papyri…. In the 5th century AD [note – should be BC] , the Greek historian Herodotus found that at Thebes in Upper Egypt, horned vipers were deemed sacred and their bodies were embalmed… Corkill (1935) wrote that ‘This species is of wide distribution, frequent occurrence, evil reputation and fierce behaviour, yet not a single thoroughly authenticated fatal case of poisoning resulting from its bite has been published.‘ This echoed the opinion of the Egyptian physicians who wrote the earliest known account of the treatment of snake bite, the Brooklyn Museum Papyri, dating perhaps from 2200 BC. They regarded bites by horned vipers ‘fy’ as non-lethal, as the victims could be saved

    M. Schneemann, ‘Life-threatening envenoming by the Saharan horned viper (Cerastes cerastes) causing micro-angiopathic haemolysis, coagulopathy and acute renal failure: clinical cases and review’, QJM: An International Journal of Medicine, Volume 97, Issue 11, November 2004, Pages 717–727.
    full references are included, but the superscript numbers have been removed from the sentences quoted above.
    See also ‘ QJM: An International Journal of Medicine, Volume 97, Issue 11, November 2004, Page 705,’ in which a correction to the scientific data is published.

    Compare the Egyptian physicians’ judgement with that later included by Nicander of Colopon in his Theriaca where the same is said of ‘Kerastes..
    ‘Nicander of Colophon, ‘Theriaka’ ll 260-280. Online – Translation into English by Gow and Scholfield, courtesy

    Nicander flourished during the 2ndC BC. For medical information he relied chiefly on the physician Apollodorus of Egypt. Among his lost works, Heteroeumena was a mythological epic, used by Ovid in the Metamorphoses and epitomized by Antoninus Liberalis.

    from wiki article


  4. As in numerous other cases we find once more, and now with regard to folio 43v*, that the knowledge informing the plant pictures reflects first-hand knowledge of a kind and exactness unknown to the literary-scientific traditions of the Latin west until well after the date-range for Beinecke MS 408 (or at least for its text-block).
    So for example:
    Leonardo da Vinci, who was born in 1452 and flourished in the last quarter of that century and the first quarter of the sixteenth century, still knew of the Cerastes only by its mythical description,writing of it in is notebooks:

    “This has four movable little horns; so, when it wants to feed, it hides under leaves all of its body except these little horns which, as they move, seem to the birds to be some small worms at play. Then they immediately swoop down to pick them and the Cerastes suddenly twines round them and encircles and devours them.”

    Everything about that description is erroneous except that the Cerastes may hide under something during the day, though even then rarely under ‘leaves’ but chiefly in burrows, in depressions left by animals or under the sand. Nor does it have four horns, nor hunt by waggling its horns to ‘look like worms’. It an active nocturnal predator.
    It is not a constrictor.

    Thus, as ever – details found in the Voynich manuscript’s plant pictures are far better informed than was possible for anyone reliant on the Latins’ mainstream literary traditions, whether they concerned myths or natural history.

    For classical references to Kerastes ‘horned’ = cornu see (note that the illustration shows the imaginary, not the actual form for Cerastes, and refers only to the North African C.cerastes.


  5. Ulisse Aldrovandi began studying natural history from the basis of a printed edition of Pliny’s Natural History that was issued in 1553, when Aldrovandi was in his early thirties.

    A scholarly study from 2008 shows errors still current among the learned in Latin Europe to as late as the second half of the sixteenth century, and reflected in watercolours made for Aldrovandi’s writings.
    With regard to Cerastes, the authors write,

    ” the tongue tip of some snakes (as the North African Cerastes vipers or the grass snake) that is not bifid but develops a small tuft, or the tail of the vipers that shrinks much too abruptly and terminates in some cases with a sort of spine..”

    Quoted sentence from
    Massimo Delfino and Alessandro Ceregato, ‘Herpetological iconography in the 16th century: the tempera paintings of Ulisse Aldrovandi’, Bibliotheca Herpetologica, Vol.7 No.2 (2008) pp. 4–12. Illustrated. (available online through

    We also see in the late-sixteenth century watercolour that, unlike the Voynich drawing which rightly shows the Cerastes’ horns rigid and upright, Europeans imagined those horns soft-looking and forwards bending even so late as Aldrovandi’s time and even by such ‘new men’ as Aldrovandi, a man so important in Italy of his time that when a group of Japanese came to visit the Pope, they were also directed to him.

    One can only conclude, at the very least, that if the images in the Voynich manuscript were circulating in mainland Europe by the beginning of the fifteenth century, they were not being widely circulated and plainly never came to the attention of European society’s leaders, either social or intellectual for (at the very least) a century after the manuscript was made.


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